In an attempt to crush the Isaaq Somali National Movement in the late 80s Barre’s military unleashed terrible force against civilians. However, cultural stigma and traditions have excluded them as outcastes from the Samale clan. What is clear is that minorities are splintered within society, and generally lack political and military organization compared to majority groups. A further problem is the entrenched problem of inter-clan conflict. It is reported that over the weekend of 5-7 June alone, some 30,000 people fled the city, and several thousand people experienced a second round of displacement. The 2004 effort resulted in lengthy peace negotiations in neighbouring Kenya, which were held under the supervision of several Horn of Africa states.
However, in areas where UN agencies and other NGOs have dug boreholes that would provide potable water, the Bantu minorities cannot afford to purchase the water. Instead, elections began in October 2016 with 14,025 ‘electors’ divided into 51-member ‘colleges’ choosing 275 parliamentarians and 54 senators in the newly created upper house. The parliament, based in Mogadishu, is made up of equal numbers of representatives from Somalia’s four major clans and a fifth grouping of minorities which are allocated half as many seats as the majority groups – known as the 4.5 formula. The new transitional assembly – also elected in Kenya – had 30-odd seats reserved for minorities. Although the number of minorities in Somalia remains difficult to count, it is likely to be much higher than the 4.5 formula suggests, and even within the given ratio, members of majority clans continue to disproportionally dominate.Islamic courts with backing from Hawiye businessmen seeking a more secure environment began to subdue the warlords in the capital. This trend has continued more than ten years after the collapse of the Somali state.In Kismaiyo, all economic sources such as the seaport, airport and commercial activities are all controlled by the Habregedir and Marehan. One of the things that were deliberately downplayed was the existence of minority groups. There are also other Gaboye, Tumal and Yibir who assimilated with Hawadle, Murasade and Marehan clans in Galgadud region.With the exception of the Bantu, Rerhamar, Bravanese, Bajuni and Eyle who have distinct "non-Somali" physical appearance, all other minorities have physical appearances similar to that of the dominant clans, as well as having ethnic and cultural similarities. Wells were destroyed, and seeds, stocks and livestock looted. In addition to subjecting the population in areas under its control to a range of serious human rights abuses including extrajudicial killings, the group has also launched a series of devastating and indiscriminate attacks against civilians, including a truck bomb in Mogadishu in October 2017 that killed more than 350 people. In October 2004, the Transitional Federation Assembly (TFA) elected Puntland’s President, Abdullahi Yusuf, a Darood, to serve as president of the TFG. Bantu (Johwar & Balad) - 10%, Bantu (Kismayo, Jilib & Jamame) - 15%, Bantu (Beletweyne) - 10%, minorities (Damey & Nasa Hablood in Hargeisa) - 5%3 they find poorly paid menial jobs such as porting, shoemaking, hairdressing, or as domestic servants. Following his defeat, the Abgal killed many Galgala and forced many others to abandon their houses. Heavy-handed tactics by Ethiopian troops increased popular opposition to the invasion. Since independence, the major clans at the expense of minority groups have dominated social and political affairs of Somalia. Had the Bajuni remained, they would have been forced to relocate to other distant camps of Kakuma on the border of Kenya and Sudan, or Dadaab, in the northeastern part of Kenya. The United States also grew concerned about the ICU, accusing it of maintaining links to Al Qaeda. The lack of comprehensive statistics extends to the disaggregation of data for different minorities – there is no clear, current breakdown in population figures for each community. Meanwhile, the Gaboye – accused of supporting Barre – faced brutal reprisals from Aideed’s militias. Outside the clan system of protection, they faced expulsion from their land as well as looting by armed militias belonging to the more powerful groups.
Mogadishu and its surroundings were calmer and safer than at any time since 1991. Many minority refugees including the 2,000 Bajuni declined the relocation claiming that the living conditions would be too harsh in these two camps. Electors were chosen by clan chiefs to cast votes for members of parliament, who then would choose a new President. These communities were forced to join government cooperatives such as the Somali Fishing Cooperative, established in Kismayo in 1974. Thus, in a country where all residents face some degree of threat, minorities are at special risk.Clan relationship is regulated by the Somali customary law, Despite efforts to reform and strengthen formal governance in Somalia, the new government is currently able to provide only limited protection for minorities and offers limited opportunities for participation for women, with no clear recognition of their rights in Somalia in its 2012 Constitution, nor an explicit minimum quota for female representation in parliament.
The argument that minorities should be given greater representation appears to have gained some acceptance: for example, it has been observed that cabinet selections under Hassan Sheikh’s presidency worked using the 5, rather than 4.5, distribution structure. Estimates indicate that about seventy per cent of the minorities who live in IDP camps or returnee settlements have difficulties in accessing adequate food, proper shelter and education.In a country where there is no national Government that would be responsible for safeguarding and upholding the rights of minority groups, Somalia minorities are truly in a vulnerable position. However, there are also other Bantu who are believed to be non-Somali, who lived in Somalia before the arrival of the aforementioned Bantu. In the Shebelle region and the Hiran region north of Mogadishu, Gosha suffered displacement and starvation early on in the civil war. They suffered violations including confiscation of their lands and rape of the women. Mohammed Siad Barre became President.Barre proved adept at exploiting Cold War politics for his personal gain.
The Bantu farmers in these areas were forced to abandon their lands without any compensation. They were given ten fishing boats and nets.